[1].​ When it went into the Budget debate, the Cabinet lamely enlisted the assistance of the King, a King which it would frustrate several times!

[2].​ On Budget Day, the cabinet had only 111 out of 220 votes (two MPs had died) in its favour constitutionally not the absolute ‘majority’ that any prime minister requires for a Budget.

You will see this if you look at Art.43 carefully.

PN supporters quote Art.62(3), and argue that a ‘simple majority’ is enough.

That may be true for ordinary bills, but not for supply bills involving the Budget.

[3].​ When the Cabinet went to invoke the Emergency, in my view, none of the 3 preconditions in Art. 150, which were a ‘grave threat’ to the nation, existed.

[4]. ​When the Cabinet could have used existing laws to overcome the pandemic, e.g., a proper enforcement of the Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases Act 1988 (‘PCIDA’), or failing that the National Security Council Act could have been used, the Cabinet sidestepped that by escalating a public health issue into an unnecessary Emergency.

[5].​ The King demanded, in the Emergency Proclamation and the Emergency Laws, that the Cabinet lay these before Parliament on more than 5 occasions but the Cabinet refused.

[6].​ The cabinet went further to frustrate Article 150(3) which demanded that the Proclamation and the Emergency laws were to be laid before Parliament, the Cabinet created its own rules [The Emergency Laws].

Illegally, it totally suspended parliament from meeting.

It went so far as to limit the Constitution by a law that said any law contrary to these provisions was ‘ineffective’

This you will find in sec. 18 of the Emergency (Essential Powers) Ordinance 2021.

[7]. On 26 July, the Cabinet shocked an incredulous nation by saying it had revoked the Emergency laws without even the King knowing about it, let alone parliament particularly when the Cabinet had no constitutional power to do so, and even before the ‘laying before Parliament procedure’ under Art .150 had been completed.

[8].​ On 26 and 27 July 2021, when it could not retreat from the illegal position it had put itself into, the Deputy Speaker declared Parliament had to be shut down indefinitely because of Covid-19.

This is an excuse so frequently used to repeatedly avoid a parliamentary test of majority.

It was a rule more honoured in its breach in durian parties and large gatherings in leaders’ residences while the rest of the country were forced on pain of criminal sanctions, to observe social distancing.

[9].​ Under the PCIDA, a building can only be shut down to ‘disinfect’ it.

Buildings do not get ill and die of Covid. People do. You know that.

Yet Parliament gets shut down at crucial constitutional moments.

[10].​ On July 29th, the Deputy Prime Minister said the PN government ‘had the support of more than 110 MPs’ and that this was enough to sustain its power.

He was too coy to mention what numbers they had.

That he spoke of it showed that the Government lacked the majority.

If the Government had had the majority, he need not have said anything.

[11].​ A few days ago (03 Aug 2021), a significant number of UMNO MPs jumped ship.

Yet the Cabinet is still trying to stay in power unconstitutionally.

It postpones the parliamentary sitting: there is no such power in the Constitution.

[12].​ The pandemic has intensified despite all the Cabinets’ inept, ill-timed, and maladroit attempts.

[13].​ The Cabinet has proven again and again that it has no leadership quality and cannot steer the nation out of trouble.

[14]. The Ultimate reason is, on 03 August at least 8 UMNO MPs publicly withdrew support from Tan Sri Mahiaddin Yassin.

His support has fallen to at least only 97 to 103 MPs.

Clearly, he has lost his parliamentary mandate.

Why does the nation have to suffer until September for the sake of a small number of MPs, who have repeatedly breached the electorate’s legitimate expectation, and the Constitution, and the law they have themselves created?

It is time to resign.